In the turn of a night, we arrive at a
new age. A new reality where our country not only turns its back on its values
but on logic and reason. Knowledge and fact take a backseat alongside decency,
compassion, and basic human rights. In their place are boorish manners that
legitimize a racial supremacy, embracing sexism, misogyny, xenophobia,
ignorance and its uglier kin, intellectual antipathy and ambivalence. Dictated
mainly by an America that historically advocates religious morality and
socioeconomic rectitude at the exclusion of large swaths of people whom for
decades have struggled for a voice. None of these elements are exactly new, but
felt more so because of the sudden force in which we were made to face an
America that openly threats to strip citizens of their freedoms. In such an
environment that so starkly qualifies individuals like me to second-class citizenry,
the morning after appeared dismal and somber. Looking out my window, the sun
refused to show, in its place was incessant rain that marshaled me back to my
thoughts. Marilynne Robinson believes that “we have good grounds for exulting
human brilliance as any generation that has ever lived.” And yet to me, it
feels as if our country is dissolving from within. This impasse in our American
narrative is so severe that I admit to losing confidence in its spirit and
future. So glum, I know.
The remedy to this gloom lies in art.
Iris Murdoch, says that “art and morals are… one. Their essence is the same.”
Therefore, it is the essayists moral duty to address the current lines of
social division, dissent, and oppression as a form of protest. As a protest
essayist, a writer must fully accept the role of authority as a public
intellectual and be fueled with a passion for justice. In this role, they
demand hope amid despair and insist on the recognition and preservation of our
inalienable rights. A protest essay incorporates the form of personal essay to
examine those conflicts and disaffection in society and culture. By sifting
through personal experience, the protest essay takes two roads, discovering the
universal or making analysis of the particular. Both require two major tenets
of the literary essay: the intimate presence of the writer and the engagement
between the self and the world.
A protest essay exists when society
claims unity and equality and then turns a blind eye to division, bigotry, and
inequality. The protest essayist is born out of this necessity. African
American and Mexican American as well as other marginalized forms of literature
essentially confront such injustices. In literary nonfiction, the writer not
only embarks on what Phillip Lopate refers to as an “engagement with the
writing process” that leads to “a voyage of discovery,” but in doing so, touches
on the protest essayist’s role in understanding their own identity within a
systemic, institutional oppression.
An essayist is drawn to write a
protest essay when they sense what Gloria Anzladúa refers to as la facultad. Anzaldúa defines la facultad as having an “instant
sensing” with a “capacity to see in surface phenomena the meaning of deeper
realities, to see the deep structure below the surface.” Those who possess this
sensitivity—women, homosexuals of all races, the dark-skinned, the outcasts,
the persecuted and marginalized, the foreign—are all “excruciatingly alive to
the world.” This instant sensing is a defense mechanism developed when “you’re
up against the wall.” Such feeling was never more evident than the morning
after the presidential election. And now in the weeks afterward, I’ve
discovered that acknowledging and channeling this “survival tactic,” honing it
into art is a vital call to action.
This instant sensing seems embedded
in the personal essay. In fact, it’s no coincidence that the most revered
essayists, many of whom fall under the influence of la facultad, have written personal experiences that speak on behalf
of others with such awareness and urgency. James Baldwin’s “Notes of A Native
Son,” reflects on the death of his father as a catalyst in order to purge the
resentment and rage built up over the years of living in a segregated United
States. The experience—while cathartic—also informs the larger social problem. Take
for example, Baldwin aligning his familial rage with the racial tension that
many African Americans felt in the 1950s, calling both a “disease” that no
“Negro alive… does not have this rage in his blood—one has a choice, merely, of
living with it consciously or surrendering to it.” It’s not difficult to
replace the word Negro and insert Latinx, gay, Muslim, transgender, or woman,
and still understand Baldwin’s point when talking about the oppression caused
through exclusion. Recently, an undergraduate student admitted to me that he was Baldwin. “His story,” he said to me
with a smile of recognition and pain, “is my
story.”
As
Baldwin’s essay is a reaction to the racial segregation in the shape of memoir,
other writers react by approaching the protest essay as an analytical
meditation. Writers like Adrienne Rich and Gloria Anzaldúa embraced this style
as a means to explore identity politics and feminism. Specifically, Rich’s
“Split at The Root” and Anzaldúa’s “How to Tame a Wild Tongue” rail against a
sexist patriarchal structure by first understanding and identifying the
parameters before redefining their existence outside of it. In their hands, the
protest essay is an examination that arrives at a personal truth—Adrienne Rich
sees herself “split” at the foundation of what defines her, an inauthentic
half-Jew and a protestant gentile; while Anzladúa imagines the surreal, her
“wild” tongue, unruly and feral like her dispute between her American and
Mexican selves. As an intellectual argument, their protest essays establish for
an audience a stronger comprehension of an oppressed individual and the
universal self, declaring to readers: we
exist.
George Orwell believed that no work
of art was free of political bias. He rejected the notion that “art should have
nothing to do with politics,” an act that he asserted was itself a political
stance. Moreover, all writers are forced into becoming “some sort of
pamphleteer” when faced with seeing injustices.
Orwell cites Burma, Hitler, and the Spanish Civil War as the major forces in
his life which turned him to write against “totalitarianism and for democratic socialism.” In writing
against these forces, Orwell aimed to make “political writing into art.” The
writer already inherently aspires to “push the world in a certain direction, to
alter the other people’s idea of the kind of society they should strive after.”
Thus, making the personal essay that already aspires to art as the best vehicle
to voice objection and lay an ideological groundwork for a movement.
For Orwell, the structure of a
protest essay is less picturesque and more exact. He suggests that the more
political an essay is, the less aesthetic its language. Orwell is mostly right
about this, although the best protest essays border the aesthetic and the
bare-boned prose style. Let us note that an essay’s “exactness” by no means
being less artful. There is importance in drawing this distinction because it helps
in establishing the protest essay’s main structural characteristic: lean and
direct, placing the author’s intimate voice (her anger, his rage) front and
center for readers. Let us take note of something else: writing personal essays is
hard, threading political layers to one’s personal experience poses challenges
for an essayist.
Early in Adrienne Rich’s “Split at
The Root,” she confesses her fear in the confessional aspect of the personal
essay process, describing it as a “dangerous act” where something must be
claimed and something exposed in the facing of forces at play. I like this idea
of claiming and exposing as a mechanism to fight back. In this new world we find
ourselves in, we must claim, we must expose. Again, Orwell: “I write [protest
essays] because there is some lie that I want to expose, some fact to which I
want to draw attention…” Orwell’s starting point is feeling a sense of
injustice, his biggest concern lies in getting heard. Even then, Rich calling the
act of writing an essay as dangerous takes a whole new context many decades
later given the recent backlash against multiculturalism and globalism. With
all the hate crimes and ugly rhetoric spewing from darker sections of social
media, a writer must understand not just what their getting into, but be aware
of their proper role in a post-fact world.
Inevitably, the post-fact world is
lived on the internet. Acknowledging how technology and social media
disseminates ideas and narratives guides us to the forms that carry the power
and essence of the protest essay. The most popular form is the think piece, an
immediate meditation that is part op-ed, part article, part blog post. In the
days after the election, my Twitter feed flooded with thought pieces, most
notable were Roxane Gay’s “The Audacity of Hopelessness” in the New York Times and Garrison Keillor’s
“Trump voters—it’s not me, it’s you” in the Washington
Post. Meanwhile, The New Yorker
dedicated their “Dispatches” section to thoughtful pieces by authors such as
Atul Gawande, Mary Karr, and Toni Morrison. Reading all these pieces, I got the
sense that social media’s continuous churn of information and our current
manner in which we process it with an insatiable yet short lived memory,
threatens to defuse the power and influence of the think piece. The argument
against this, one might say, is that people read what our great thinkers have
to say in perilous times, and yet, I’m convinced this occurs only in your Internet’s
safe spaces and echo chambers. So how does the personal essay go beyond its own
parameters to assert its existence, the way, let’s say, Ta’ Nehisi Coates or
Claudia Rankine capture the public consciousness?
The success of the protest essay
lies in the simple fact that it must be read. It must survive outside of academia
while still asserting an intellectual authority. And right here is the problem:
the protest essay must figure out a way to both thrive among the rapid
obsolescence of social media and in a world, resistant and skeptical towards
thought. I’d argue that the think piece as a form is too present minded, but
then does this mean the success of the protest essay—and the personal essay
form itself—is contingent only from its inherent characteristic of reflection? Would
Baldwin or Anzaldúa’s essays carry the same emotional and cultural impact (not
to mention withstanding the test of time) had they been written with the same
immediacy as the think piece? In turn, would the think piece function the same
and gain legitimacy by waiting? Truth is we can’t afford to wait. The time is
now for essayists to understand their role and help guide this generations’
return to human brilliance.
César Díaz teaches creative nonfiction at St. Edward’s University in Austin, Texas. He is a featured columnist at Essay Daily. You can read the rest of his contributions to Essay Daily here, here, here, and here. Also, sometimes he has things to say on Twitter.
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